Die Akte Trump

The Making of Donald Trump

Author: David Cay Johnston

Publisher: Satzweiss.com

ISBN: 3711051839

Category: Political Science

Page: 352

View: 3293

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Seit mehreren Jahrzehnten verfolgt der Journalist und Pulitzerpreisträger David Cay Johnston den Werdegang von Donald Trump ganz genau. In dieser umfassenden Biografie schildert er nun, wo Trump herkommt, wie er es trotz mehrerer Pleiten und illegaler Geschäfte geschafft hat, sich ein riesiges Unternehmen aufzubauen, und wie er schließlich an die Spitze der Politik gelangen konnte. Die Akte Trump zeigt seinen Aufstieg – angefangen bei Kindheit und Erziehung bis zum erbitterten Wahlkampf gegen Hillary Clinton. Mithilfe zahlreicher Interviews, Gerichtsakten und Finanzdokumente wird das Geflecht aus Lügen und Halbwahrheiten rund um Donald Trump entwirrt und offengelegt. Wer ist der Mann, der bald ins Weiße Haus einziehen wird? Sachlich und fundiert entwirft David Cay Johnston ein vollständiges, brandaktuelles und mitunter erschreckendes Bild des neuen US-Präsidenten.

Die Akte Trump

Author: David Cay Johnston

Publisher: N.A

ISBN: 3711051839

Category: Political Science

Page: 352

View: 8186

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DER NEUE US-PRÄSIDENT – WER IST DONALD TRUMP? In Die Akte Trump zeigt Pulitzerpreisträger David Cay Johnston den Aufstieg des 45. Präsidenten der Vereinigten Staaten – angefangen bei Kindheit und Erziehung bis zum erbitterten Wahlkampf gegen Hillary Clinton. Mithilfe zahlreicher Interviews, Gerichtsakten und Finanzdokumente wird das Gefl echt aus Lügen und Halbwahrheiten rund um Donald Trump entwirrt und offengelegt. Wer ist der mächtigste Mann der Welt? Sachlich und fundiert entwirft David Cay Johnston ein vollständiges, brandaktuelles und mitunter erschreckendes Bild des neuen US-Präsidenten. "Was Johnston über den neuen Präsidenten erzählt, ist beeindruckend. Näher kann man Trump zurzeit wohl nicht kommen." Süddeutsche Zeitung "David Cay Johnston gehört zu den Wenigen, die das komplexe trumpsche Firmengeflecht durchdrungen und hinter die vergoldeten Kulissen geblickt haben." Der Spiegel Die Akte Trump "enthüllt die dubiosen Geschäfte des Donald Trump – und seine Skrupellosigkeit selbst gegenüber der eigenen Familie". Stern

Trump im Amt

Author: David Cay Johnston

Publisher: Ecowin

ISBN: 3711052258

Category: Political Science

Page: 464

View: 2947

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Schlimmer als befürchtet Wo steuert diese Präsidentschaft hin? Und vor allem: Welche Folgen birgt sie für uns? David Cay Johnston, einer der besten Kenner des amtierenden amerikanischen Präsidenten, zieht nach dem ersten Jahr mit Donald Trump eine düstere Bilanz: Die Lage der Wirtschaft ist desolat, die globale Sicherheit in permanenter Bedrohung, das Alltagsleben spürbar eingeschränkt. Ein schockierendes Buch, nicht nur über den Präsidenten und die amerikanische Gesellschaft, sondern auch über die Instabilität der politischen Weltlage. "Kein anderer Journalist kennt Donald Trumps Biografie so gut; schon aus diesem Grund verdient jedes Buch von David Cay Johnston Beachtung und viele Leser." Süddeutsche Zeitung

The Making of Donald Trump

Author: David Cay Johnston

Publisher: Melville House

ISBN: 1612196330

Category: Political Science

Page: 288

View: 1044

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THE NEW YORK TIMES BESTSELLER that first revealed the Russia connection The culmination of nearly 30 years of reporting on Donald Trump, this in-depth report by Pulitzer Prize-winning investigative reporter David Cay Johnston takes a revealingly close look at the mogul's rise to prominence --- and, now, ultimate power Covering the long arc of Trump’s career, Johnston tells the full story of how a boy from a quiet section of Queens, NY would become an entirely new, and complex, breed of public figure. Trump is a man of great media savvy, entrepreneurial spirit, and political clout. Yet his career has been plagued by legal troubles and mounting controversy. From the origins of his family’s fortune, to his own too-big-to-fail business empire; from his education and early career, to his whirlwind and ultimately successful presidential bid, The Making of Donald Trump provides the fullest picture yet of Trump’s extraordinary ascendency. Love him or hate him, Trump’s massive influence is undeniable, and figures as diverse as Woody Guthrie (who wrote a scathing song about Trump’s father) and Red Scare prosecutor Roy Cohn, mob bosses and high rollers, as well as the average American voter, have all been pulled into his orbit. Drawing on decades of interviews, financial records, court documents, and public statements, David Cay Johnston, who has covered Trump longer and more closely than any other journalist working today, gives us the most in-depth look yet at the man who has shocked the world. ”Provides useful, vigorously reported overviews of Mr. Trump’s life and career ... Mr. Johnston, who has followed the real estate impresario for nearly three decades, offers a searing indictment of his business practices and creative accounting.”—Michiko Kakutani, The New York Times ”David Cay Johnston has given us this year’s must-read Trump book.”—Lawrence O’Donnell, MSNBC’s The Last Word ”Johnston devastatingly covers ground he broke open as a reporter on the Trump beat in Philadelphia and at The New York Times...The best of investigative reporting is brought to bear on a man who could potentially lead the free world.”—USA Today ”Carefully fleshes out the details of Trump's known biography...with solid documentation.”—Tampa Bay Times

Die Wahrheit über Donald Trump

Author: Michael D'Antonio

Publisher: Ullstein eBooks

ISBN: 3843713685

Category: Biography & Autobiography

Page: 544

View: 7347

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Er ist der neue Präsident der Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika. Spätestens jetzt ist es ist höchste Zeit, sich ernsthaft mit Donald Trump auseinanderzusetzen. Michael D’Antonios brillant geschriebene Biographie zeigt Trump in seinem ganzen Größenwahn, Narzissmus und seiner unfassbaren Selbstverliebtheit. Gleichzeitig wird deutlich, wie erschreckend dünnhäutig und aggressiv Trump auf jede Kritik und Provokation reagiert und wie emotional instabil er ist. Es lässt sich zum jetzigen Zeitpunkt nur erahnen, wie schwierig die außenpolitische Abstimmung mit ihm als Präsidenten werden wird. D’Antonio erklärt aber auch, warum Trumps Beliebtheit bei den Wählern kein Zufall ist. Dass er Trumps Aufstieg, Fall und Comeback auch in den Kontext größerer soziologischer und politischer Entwicklungen in den USA einordnet, macht seine Biographie gerade für ein nicht amerikanisches Publikum außerordentlich lesenswert.

Trump: The Art of the Deal

Author: Donald J. Trump,Tony Schwartz

Publisher: Plassen Verlag

ISBN: 3864704804

Category: Political Science

Page: 400

View: 6276

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Donald Trump in Action – im Business, im Alltag, mit seinen Freunden, seinen Geschäftspartnern, seiner Familie. Hier finden Sie seine elf goldenen Regeln, destilliert aus seinen großartigsten Deals. Das ultimative Lesevergnügen für jeden, der Geld verdienen und erfolgreich sein möchte. Und seit dem 20. Januar 2017 auch für jeden, der verstehen möchte, wie der mächtigste Mann der Welt denkt.

Furcht

Trump im Weißen Haus

Author: Bob Woodward

Publisher: Rowohlt Verlag GmbH

ISBN: 3644002738

Category: Political Science

Page: 512

View: 5376

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Bob Woodward, die Ikone des investigativen Journalismus in den USA, hat alle amerikanischen Präsidenten aus nächster Nähe beobachtet. Nun nimmt er sich den derzeitigen Präsidenten vor und enthüllt den erschütternden Zustand des Weißen Hauses unter Donald Trump. Woodward beschreibt, wie dieser Präsident Entscheidungen trifft, er berichtet von eskalierenden Debatten im Oval Office und in der Air Force One, dem volatilen Charakter Trumps und dessen Obsessionen und Komplexen. Woodwards Buch ist ein Dokument der Zeitgeschichte: Hunderte Stunden von Interviews mit direkt Beteiligten, Gesprächsprotokolle, Tagebücher, Notizen – auch von Trump selbst – bieten einen dramatischen Einblick in die Machtzentrale der westlichen Welt, in der vor allem eines herrscht: Furcht. Woodward ist das Porträt eines amtierenden amerikanischen Präsidenten gelungen, das es in dieser Genauigkeit noch nicht gegeben hat.

Arschlöcher - eine Theorie

Author: Aaron James

Publisher: Riemann Verlag

ISBN: 3641101948

Category: Social Science

Page: 288

View: 8761

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Jeder kennt eines Man begegnet ihnen überall: im Job, in der Schule, im Freundeskreis, in der Politik, in Geschichtsbüchern, im Fernsehen oder im Straßenverkehr. Mitunter sogar in der Familie. Man könnte sie auch als Mistkerle, Tyrannen, Wichtigtuer, Intriganten oder Egomanen beschimpfen. Arschlöcher sind eine Zumutung. Doch was genau macht ein Arschloch aus? Warum sind es oft Männer? Weshalb bringen manche Länder mehr Arschlöcher hervor als andere? Ist der Kapitalismus schuld? Oder ist es eine Frage des Charakters? Und können wir uns überhaupt wohl fühlen in einer Gesellschaft, wo Arschlöcher sprießen wie Unkraut? Aaron James beschäftigen diese und weitere Fragen. Seine Theorie ist so intelligent wie unterhaltsam und enthält darüber hinaus eine nützliche Gebrauchsanleitung für den Umgang mit A*.

Nicht kleckern, klotzen!

Der Wegweiser zum Erfolg- aus der Feder eines Milliardärs

Author: Donald Trump

Publisher: Börsenbuchverlag

ISBN: 3942888645

Category: Business & Economics

Page: 336

View: 321

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Donald Trump hat es geschafft. "The Donald" steht für den amerikanischen Traum wie kaum ein zweiter - mit Immobilien wurde er zum Milliardär, stürzte finanziell ab und kam wieder ganz nach oben. Bill Zanker betrieb eine Consulting-Firma. Er traf Donald Trump und lernte von ihm - das Resultat waren 100 Millionen Dollar Jahresumsatz nach nur drei Jahren. Dieses Buch ist ihr gemeinsamer Erfolgsratgeber für die Welt. Darin verrät Donald Trump zum ersten Mal sein Erfolgsrezept: Nicht kleckern, klotzen! "The Donald" polarisiert als schillernde Figur auf dem Parkett der amerikanischen Gesellschaft. Die einen bewundern ihn, die anderen hassen ihn. Der Erfolg gibt ihm in jedem Fall recht. Und dessen Geheimnis teilt er nun mit Ihnen: Mit "Nicht kleckern, klotzen" backen Sie von nun an die größten Brötchen!

Donald J. Trump: Great again!

Wie ich Amerika retten werde

Author: Donald J. Trump

Publisher: Plassen Verlag

ISBN: 3864703859

Category: Business & Economics

Page: 224

View: 7372

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Zieht "The Donald" ins Weiße Haus? Für seine Fans verheißt er die Rückkehr goldener Zeiten. Für seine Gegner ist er wahlweise ein Lügner, ein Großmaul, ein Demagoge, ein Rassist oder vieles mehr. Ganz egal, wie man zu ihm steht – der Immobilien-Tycoon ist dem mächtigsten Amt der Welt bereits näher gekommen, als alle es für möglich gehalten hätten. Zeit also, sich zumindest einmal mit seinen Ansichten vertraut zu machen. Diese finden sich in seinem aktuellen Buch, in dem er, wen wundert's, darlegt, wie er sein geschundenes Land wieder zu alter Größe führen kann. Ein Buch das polarisieren wird. Ein Buch, das man gelesen haben sollte, um über die Person Donald Trump mitreden zu können.

Summary of the Making of Donald Trump

Author: InstaRead Summaries Staff

Publisher: N.A

ISBN: 9781537319483

Category:

Page: 32

View: 439

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Summary of The Making of Donald Trump by David Cay Johnston | Includes Analysis Preview: David Cay Johnston's The Making of Donald Trump is an examination of Donald Trump's character and activities. It focuses specifically on his financial dealings, his perpetration of frauds, and his association with criminal and Mafia figures. Trump's grandfather, Friedrich Trump, left Germany to escape the draft. He went to Alaska, where he established a bar frequented by prostitutes. Fred Trump, Donald's father, made a fortune in real estate in part through war profiteering. He set up a lucrative trust fund for his son Donald when the latter was still a child. Donald did not excel in school; his grasp of business theory and policy was weak, though he often boasts of attending the Wharton School undergraduate program in business. Trump's main influence outside his family was Roy Cohn, a lawyer infamous for his work with Joseph McCarthy during the anti-Communist witch hunts of the 1950s. Cohn had associations with the... PLEASE NOTE: This is key takeaways and analysis of the book and NOT the original book. Inside this Instaread Summary of The Making of Donald Trump by David Cay Johnston | Includes Analysis · Overview of the Book · Important People · Key Takeaways · Analysis of Key Takeaways About the Author With Instaread, you can get the key takeaways, summary and analysis of a book in 15 minutes. We read every chapter, identify the key takeaways and analyze them for your convenience. Visit our website at instaread.co.

The Making of the President 2016

How Donald Trump Orchestrated a Revolution

Author: Roger Stone

Publisher: Skyhorse Publishing, Inc.

ISBN: 1510726934

Category: Political Science

Page: 408

View: 302

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In the tradition of Theodore White’s landmark books, the definitive look at how Donald J. Trump shocked the world to become president From Roger Stone, a New York Times bestselling author, longtime political adviser and friend to Donald Trump, and consummate Republican strategist, comes the first in-depth examination of how Trump’s campaign tapped into the national mood to deliver a stunning victory that almost no one saw coming. In the early hours of November 9, 2016, one of the most contentious, polarizing, and vicious presidential races came to an abrupt and unexpected end when heavily favored presidential hopeful Hillary Clinton called Donald J. Trump to concede, shocking a nation that had, only hours before, given little credence to his chances. Donald Trump pulled the greatest upset in American political history despite a torrent of invective and dismissal of the mainstream media. Here is the first definitive explanation about how the “silent majority” shifted the election to Donald Trump in reliable Democratic Pennsylvania, Wisconsin, and Michigan, thus handing him the presidency. Stone, a long time Trump retainer and confidant, gives us the inside story of how Donald Trump almost single-handedly harnessed discontent among “Forgotten Americans” despite running a guerrilla-style grass roots campaign to compete with the smooth running and free-spending Clinton political machine. From the start, Trump’s campaign was unlike any seen on the national stage—combative, maverick, and fearless. Trump’s nomination was the hostile takeover of the Republican party and a resounding repudiation of the failed leadership of both parties whose policies have brought America to the brink of financial collapse as well as endangering our national security. Here Stone outlines how Donald Trump skillfully ran as the anti-Open Borders candidate as well as a supporter of American sovereignty, and how he used the Globalist trade deals like NAFTA to win over three of ten Bernie Sanders supporters. The veteran adviser to Nixon, Reagan, and Trump charts the rise of the alt-conservative media and the end of the mainstream media monopoly on voter impacting information dissemination. This is an insider’s view that includes studying opposition research into Bill, Hillary, and Chelsea Clinton’s crimes, and the struggle by the Republican establishment to stop Trump and how they underestimated him. Stone chronicles Trump’s triumph in three debates where he skillfully lowered expectation levels but skewered Mrs. Clinton for the corruption of the Clinton Foundation, her mishandling of government email, and her incompetence as Secretary of State. Stone gives us the inside word on Julian Assange, Wikileaks, Clinton campaign chief John Podesta, Huma Abedin, Anthony Weiner, Carlos Danger, Doug Band, Jeffery Epstein, and the efforts to hide the former first lady’s infirmities and health problems. Stone dissects the phony narrative that Trump was in cahoots with Russian strongman Vladimir Putin or that the e-mails released by Wikileaks came from the Russians. The grizzled political veteran of ten Republican presidential campaigns from Richard Nixon to Ronald Reagan to Donald Trump explains how Trump’s election has averted near certain war with Russia over Syria and the rejection of the neocon policies of the Obama/Clinton Administration. The Making of the President 2016 reveals how Trump brilliantly picked at Hillary Clinton’s weaknesses, particularly her reputation as a crooked insider, and ignited the passions of out-of-work white men and women from the rust belt and beyond, at a time when millions of Americans desperately wanted change. Stone also reveals how and why the mainstream media got it wrong, including how the polls were loaded and completely misunderstood who would vote. Stone's analysis is akin to Theodore H. White’s seminal book The Making of the President 1960. It is both a sweeping analysis of the trends that elected Trump as well as the war stories of a hard-bitten political survivor who Donald Trump called “one tough cookie." Roger Stone has authored or co-authored the following books: The Man Who Killed Kennedy, a New York Times bestseller in which Roger Stone makes a compelling case that Lyndon Baines Johnson was the mastermind behind the murder of President John F. Kennedy. Stone maps out LBJ’s motives for orchestrating the murder and uses fingerprint evidence and testimony to prove JFK was shot by a long-time LBJ hit man—not Lee Harvey Oswald. Nixon’s Secrets gives the inside scoop on Nixon’s rise and fall in Watergate. Stone charts Nixon’s rise from election to Congress in 1946 to the White House in 1968 after his razor-thin loss to John Kennedy in 1960, his disastrous campaign for Governor of California in 1962 and the greatest comeback in American Presidential history. Jeb and the Bush Crime Family, in which Stone collaborates with Saint John Hunt to make this a “no-holds-barred” history of the Bush family. After detailing the vast litany of Jeb’s misdeeds, Stone travels back to Samuel, Prescott, George H. W., and George W. Bush to weave an epic story of privilege, greed, corruption, drug profiteering, assassination, and lies. This exposition will have you asking, “Why aren't these people in prison?” The Clintons’ War on Women, where Roger Stone and historian Robert Morrow uncover the explosive and ugly truths about Bill and Hillary’s crimes and cover-ups. They reveal the details about their actions in Arkansas, Bill Clinton’s scandalous time in the White House, who really ordered the deadly attack on the Branch Davidian compound in Waco, Hillary’s federally-investigated tenure as secretary of state, their time at the corrupt Clinton Foundation, and Hillary’s failed campaign for president.

The Making of Donald Trump, David Cay Johnston, 2016

Author: Melville House Press

Publisher: Bukupedia

ISBN: N.A

Category: Biography & Autobiography

Page: 165

View: 6616

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INTRODUCTION hen Donald Trump rode down the Trump Tower lobby escalator live on national television in June 2015 to announce his campaign for president, nearly every journalist treated his candidacy as a vanity project. Not me. I have been an investigative reporter since I was eighteen years old. I’ve been digging up facts, getting laws changed, and generally making a lot of trouble reporting for the San Jose Mercury, the Detroit Free Press, the Los Angeles Times, The Philadelphia Inquirer, and finally for The New York Times. From the start, I acted on my own authority in deciding what to report. I was a newsroom rogue who got away with it because my stories engaged readers and got big results: a broadcast chain forced o􀊃 the air for news manipulations; an innocent man saved from life in prison after I confronted the real killer; Jack Welch giving up his retirement perks; political spying and crimes by the Los Angeles Police Department revealed, along with foreign agents secretly interfering in American politics. While at my last paper, I won a Pulitzer Prize for exposing so many tax dodges and loopholes that a prominent tax law professor called me the “de facto chief tax enforcement o􀉽cer of the United States.” In 1987, I got interested in casinos after the Supreme Court ruled that Native Americans had a right to own them. I was sure it would lead to the spread of casinos across the country—casinos run mostly by corporate America. For the only time in my life, I applied for a job. The Philadelphia Inquirer liked my idea: in June 1988, I moved to Atlantic City. A few days later, I met Donald Trump. I sized him up as a modern P. T. Barnum selling tickets to a modern variation of the Feejee Mermaid, one of the panoply of Barnum’s famous fakes that people decided were worth a bit of their money. Trump was full of himself. I quickly learned from others in town that he knew next to nothing about the casino industry, including the rules of the games. That would turn out to be important, as explained in two chapters near the end of this book. In the nearly thirty years since then, I have followed Trump intensely; I’ve paid close attention to his business dealings and I’ve interviewed him multiple times. In 1990, I broke the story that, instead of being worth billions, as he’d claimed, Trump actually had a negative net worth and escaped a chaotic collapse into personal bankruptcy only when the government took his side over the bank’s, as you will read. Before technology allowed me to digitize 􀉹les, I built up a vast trove of Trump documents, as investigative reporters often do with subjects that interest them. I had so many Bankers Boxes of 􀉹les on Trump and other prominent Americans—Barron Hilton, Jack Welch, and Los Angeles police chief Daryl Gates among them—that for years I rented two storage lockers just to hold them all. So when Trump announced his bid for the Republican nomination for the 2016 election, I knew it was for real. I’d spent decades reporting on him and I had kept my files. In addition, reporter Wayne Barrett had generously shared his. First, I knew that Trump has been talking about the presidency since 1985. In 1988, he proposed himself as the running mate of the 􀉹rst President George Bush, a job that went to Senator Dan Quayle. In July of the same year, I watched him arrive in Atlantic City on his yacht, the Trump Princess, where cheering crowds greeted him. A phalanx of teenage girls, jumping up and down, squealed with delight as if they had just seen their favorite rock star. As Trump and his then wife, Ivana, took an escalator up into his Trump’s Castle Casino, a crowd cheered him on. One man shouted loudly, “Be our president, Donald!” I also watched Trump run in 2000 on the ticket for the Reform Party, a fringe group with members in the tens of thousands (as opposed to the millions who call themselves Democrats or Republicans). It was during that brief campaign that Trump declared he would become the 􀉹rst person to run for president and make a pro􀉹t. He said he had a million-dollar deal to give ten speeches at motivational speaking events hosted by Tony Robbins. He coordinated his campaign appearances around them so the campaign would pay for the use of his Boeing 727 jet. It was classic Trump, seeing pro􀉹t in everything, even politics. Few people knew about it. For the 2016 run as well, a large share of Trump’s campaign money has been spent paying himself for the use of his Boeing 757, his smaller jet, his helicopter, his Trump Tower o􀉽ce space, and other services supplied by Trump businesses. By law, Trump must pay charter rates for his aircraft and market prices for services from his other businesses. This anticorruption law was designed to prevent vendors from underpricing services to win political favors—a legacy of a time when no one imagined that a man of Trump’s presumed immense wealth would buy campaign services from himself. In 2016, the law ensures that Trump makes a profit from his campaign. Trump again declared his candidacy in 2012. He was treated as a serious contender by just about everyone except Lawrence O’Donnell of MSNBC and me. Separately, O’Donnell and I both came to the conclusion that Trump’s campaign then had a purpose other than moving to 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue. His real goal, we surmised, was a more lucrative contract with the NBC television network for his aging Celebrity Apprentice show, where his trademark line was “You’re fired.” Indeed, when Trump dropped out, he said, in e􀊃ect, that as much as the country needed him in the White House, his show needed him more. Based on that, journalists concluded his campaign had been a strange joke. As such, they gave little regard to his announcement for the 2016 election. But this time things were di􀊃erent. Trump’s ratings were in decline. His show was at risk of being canceled. To Trump, a man who reads the New York tabloids religiously, I knew that just about the worst fate he could imagine for himself, short of death, would be waking up to these Daily News and Post covers: “NBC to Trump: You’re Fired.” As soon as Trump announced in 2015, I immediately set out to report what the mainstream news media were not. I wrote an early piece that posed twenty-one questions I thought reporters should ask on the campaign trail. Not one of them did. Late in the primaries, Senator Marco Rubio brought up my question about Trump University and Senator Ted Cruz posed my question about Trump’s dealings with the Genovese and Gambino crime families, matters explored in this book. I will always wonder what might have happened had journalists and some of the sixteen candidates vying with Trump for the Republican nomination started asking my questions months earlier. This book is my e􀊃ort to make sure Americans know a fuller story about Trump than the one he has polished and promoted with such exceptional skill and determination. Trump, who presents himself as a modern Midas even when much of what he touches turns to dross, has studied the conventions of journalists and displays more genius at exploiting them to his advantage than anyone else I have ever known. More important, Trump has worked just as hard to make sure few people know about his lifelong entanglements with a major cocaine tra􀉽cker, with mobsters and many mob associates, with con artists and swindlers. He has been sued thousands of times for refusing to pay employees, vendors, and others. Investors have sued him for fraud in a number of di􀊃erent cities. But among Trump’s most highly re􀉹ned skills is his ability to de􀉻ect or shut down law enforcement investigations. He also uses threats of litigation to deter news organizations from looking behind the curtain of the seemingly all-wise and all-powerful man they often refer to as The Donald. At one of my 􀉹rst meetings with Trump, I did something I hope many journalists will do before the November 2016 elections. I brought up a casino issue that Trump did not know much about, intentionally saying something that was false, a technique that has many uses in investigative reporting. Trump immediately embraced my faux fact and shaped his answer to it, much the way television psychics listen for clues in what people say to shape their soothsaying. Trump’s habit of picking up on what others say was on full display when Lester Holt, the NBC Nightly News anchor, asked Trump in late June 2016 about his claim that Hillary Clinton had slept through the Benghazi attack. After Holt noted it had been midafternoon where Clinton was, Trump tried to incorporate that into his answer, then tried to bluff his way out of not knowing the facts. For those who doubt that Trump lacks basic knowledge about important issues, I will provide many examples. Here is one to set the stage: During the Republican presidential debate hosted by CNN in December 2015, the conservative radio talk show host Hugh Hewitt asked Trump, “What’s your priority among our nuclear triad?” “Well, 􀉹rst of all, I think we need somebody absolutely that we can trust, who is totally responsible, who really knows what he or she is doing,” Trump responded. “That is so powerful and so important. And one of the things that I’m frankly most proud of is that in 2003, 2004, I was totally against going into Iraq because you’re going to destabilize the Middle East. I called it. I called it very strongly. And it was very important. But we have to be extremely vigilant and extremely careful when it comes to nuclear. Nuclear changes the whole ball game. Frankly, I would have said get out of Syria; get out—if we didn’t have the power of weaponry today. The power is so massive that we can’t just leave areas that 􀉹fty years ago or seventy-􀉹ve years ago we wouldn’t care [about]. It was hand-to-hand combat …” Hewitt then followed up, asking, “Of the three legs of the triad, though, do you have a priority?” Trump responded: “I think—I think, for me, nuclear is just the power, the devastation is very important to me.” Hewitt then turned to Senator Marco Rubio of Florida, whom Trump often derided as an empty suit. “Do you have a response?” “First, let’s explain to people at home what the triad is,” Rubio said. “The triad is our ability in the United States to conduct nuclear attacks using airplanes, using missiles launched from silos or from the ground, or from our nuclear subs.” This was not the 􀉹rst time Trump had been asked about how he would allocate money among the three di􀊃erent methods by which the United States military can deliver nuclear bombs. Four months earlier, Hewitt had asked Trump the same question on his radio show. Trump gave an answer indicating he had no idea what Hewitt was asking about. He had clearly made no effort in the intervening months to learn. “I think one of the most important things that we have to worry about is nuclear generally speaking,” Trump said on Hewitt’s radio show. “The power of nuclear, the power of the weapons that we have today—and that is, by the way, the deal with Iran— the concept of it is so important that you have to make a good deal and what they should have done is that they should have doubled up and tripled up the sanctions …” This book is a presentation of the facts as I have witnessed them and as the public record shows. They are facts reported with the same 􀉻int-eyed diligence as everything else I have written about in the past half century. Many have asked why I’m not writing a book about Hillary Clinton instead of, or as well as, writing a book about Donald Trump. The answer is that in 1988 I wound up in Atlantic City instead of Arkansas. I know Trump; I have never spoken to Clinton or her husband. However, as 􀉹rst lady she was furious over my New York Times articles revealing that she and her husband paid more than twice as much income tax as the law required because, despite paying almost $10,000 a year to have their tax returns prepared, they got bad tax advice. One last thing to keep in mind as you read this book: those applauding crowds of young people who 􀉹lled the Trump Tower auditorium in June 2015 when Trump announced his campaign with vicious denunciations of Mexicans, Muslims, and the media. At the time, I thought that was incongruous for midtown Manhattan, a place not exactly known for xenophobia or applause for racist tirades. Indeed, that crowd was not the voluntary outpouring that television viewers would reasonably have believed they were seeing. Many of those clapping were actors paid fifty bucks apiece. T 1 FAMILY HISTORY he Trump family’s deep roots in Germany stretch back to the war-ravaged seventeenth century, when the family name was Drumpf. In 1648, they simpli􀉹ed the name to one that would prove to be a powerful brand for their latter-day descendants. Looking back from the twenty-􀉹rst century, it turns out to have been an interesting choice. Donald no doubt enjoys the bridge player’s de􀉹nition of trump: a winning play by a card that outranks all others. But other de􀉹nitions include “a thing of small value, a tri􀉻e” and “to deceive or cheat” as well as “to blow or sound a trumpet.” As a verb, trump means “to devise in an unscrupulous way” and “to forge, fabricate or invent,” as in “trumped-up” charges. Donald Trump never knew his grandfather, Friedrich, who died when Donald’s father, Fred, was only twelve years old. As a rogue entrepreneur, however, Friedrich cast a century-long shadow over the Trump family with his passion for money and the 􀉻outing of legal niceties—such as erecting buildings on land he did not own. Friedrich Trump grew up in the winemaking region of southwest Germany, in the town of Kallstadt, where hard work meant a roof over one’s head, not riches. His father had died when Friedrich was only eight years old. In 1885, at the age of sixteen and facing mandatory military service, Friedrich left his mother a note and did what millions of other Europeans with few prospects at home were doing: 􀉻ed Germany for the United States. Enduring a surely di􀉽cult North Atlantic crossing in a packed steamship, Friedrich eventually landed in New York, where he moved in with an older sister, Katherine, and her husband, both of whom had immigrated earlier. Before long, the young man decided to go west, eventually settling in Seattle, where he opened The Dairy Restaurant. It also had a curtained-o􀊃 area that most likely served as a low-rent whorehouse, according to Gwenda Blair, who had the family’s cooperation in her history of the Trumps. In 1892, Friedrich became a citizen, lying about his age in the process by saying he’d landed in New York two years before he actually had. Two friends accompanied him to the proceedings to attest to his good character. One was a laborer, the other a man whose occupations included providing accommodations for what Blair politely called “female boarding.” Friedrich was the genesis of many Trump family traditions in America, but voting was not among them. In fact, his grandson Donald would run for president after failing to vote in the 2002 general election and, as records indicate, in any Republican primary from 1989 until he voted for himself in 2016. Friedrich’s great-grandchildren were even less diligent in their civic duties. When Donald Trump’s name appeared on the New York State primary ballot in 2016, his daughter Ivanka and son Eric, both in their thirties, could not cast ballots because they had neglected to register as Republicans. They blamed the government, saying they should have been allowed to change from independent to Republican at the last minute. But the primary voting rules, however outmoded, had been law in the Empire State for many years. The siblings had months in which to change their registration so they could vote for their father. A family tradition Friedrich Trump did start in America, however, was the art of prospering but wanting more. Friedrich sold his restaurant/bordello and set up a new business about thirty miles north. Rumor had it that the oil-rich Rockefellers planned a big mining operation in the area. On a piece of land he didn’t own, right across from the train station, Friedrich built a hotel of sorts—one intended mostly for, shall we say, active short stays, not overnight visits. Building on land he did not own foreshadowed the terms under which his grandson Donald would acquire the Florida mansion Mar-a- Lago: with a mortgage that Chase Bank agreed in writing not to record at the courthouse. In the end, the mining project 􀉹zzled and only a few got out better o􀊃 than they were when they arrived. Among them was Friedrich Trump, who had, by that point, Americanized his name to Frederick. He went by Fred. Hearing about the Klondike gold rush, Frederick headed for Canada’s Yukon Territory. He had no interest in the hard physical labor of panning for gold in frigid streams; Frederick mined the miners. He built a sort of bar and grill, calling the joint The Arctic. It o􀊃ered hard liquor and “sporting ladies,” as the prostitutes were called. Again his timing was impeccable. He arrived when the gold rush was at its height. By the time the gold was running out and the Royal Canadian Mounted Police were riding in, Fred Trump had made a small fortune to take with him as he skedaddled back to America. In 1901, at age thirty-two, Frederick Trump returned to Germany, where his mother introduced her now-rich son to eligible young ladies. Frederick, however, took a liking to a woman his mother did not care for, a twenty-year-old blonde named Elizabeth Christ. Just six years old when her husband-to-be had slipped away to America to avoid the German draft, Elizabeth had grown into a well-endowed adulthood. Trump men favoring busty blondes would become a family pattern. Frederick took his new bride to America and scouted for opportunities to increase his fortune, by then worth a half million dollars or so in today’s money. But Elizabeth had no love for bustling New York and its stark contrasts between wealth and want. She desperately wanted to go home. In 1904, Frederick, with his young wife and their infant daughter, sailed back to Germany. Once there, however, he had to convince the authorities to overlook his draft dodging. Hoping the fortune he brought into the country would impress the authorities, in September 1904 he explained his absence to the government in writing: “I did not immigrate to America in order to avoid military service, but to establish for myself a pro􀉹table livelihood and to enable myself to support my mother” in Kallstadt. German authorities didn’t buy it; they ordered him to leave. Donald Trump has not yet been asked whether this episode of family history plays any role in his unconstitutional proposals to deport an estimated eleven million immigrants who entered the country illegally, including those whose children are American citizens, or if he thinks of it when suggesting that the United States block soldiers and sailors who are Muslim from returning to America. Back in New York City, Frederick continued to prosper. In her richly detailed biography, Gwenda Blair suggests Frederick worked as a barber, a low-paid occupation that seems odd for a man so focused on making money. She notes that barbershops also sold tobacco in those days, but that was still a low-paying opportunity. However, they were often fronts for illegal businesses and—because men of dubious means could come in for a daily shave or just to hang out—they could also have been opportune places to gather business intelligence and engage in sub rosa transactions with the many ethnic criminal elements in the big city. Whatever he was up to, Frederick’s fortune couldn’t buy him more time: he became one of the more than twenty million people around the world who died during the 1918 in􀉻uenza pandemic. He was followed by another industrious Trump: Donald’s father, Fred. T 2 FAMILY VALUES hough only twelve years old when his father died in 1918, a mere two years later Frederick Christ Trump took after his father by starting a residential garage– building company with his mother: Elizabeth Trump & Son. Elizabeth had to sign all the checks and documents because her ambitious boy was still a teenager not legally allowed to enter into contracts. Fred Trump entered his majority by getting himself arrested at age twenty-one for his involvement in a battle between about a hundred New York City police o􀉽cers and a thousand Ku Klux Klan members and supporters, many of them in white robes. The riot took place in Jamaica, the Queens neighborhood where Fred Trump lived. Police booked him for failure to disperse, but prosecutors later declined to try him and many of the others arrested that day. It was the 􀉹rst of many indications of Fred Trump’s racial enmity. Almost nine decades later, his son Donald, running for president, tried to deny the whole thing, claiming his father never lived at the address the newspapers had obtained from police records. Other public records verify that it was indeed his father’s address. They also show only one Fred Trump living in Queens during that period. Cornered in a 2015 interview with The New York Times, Donald Trump bobbed, weaved, and tried to persuade the paper to ignore the arrest, which the website boingboing. net had written about after uncovering a 1927 New York Times article about it. Trump’s comments went like this: It never happened. And they said there were no charges, no nothing. It’s unfair to mention it, to be honest, because there were no charges. They said there were charges against other people, but there were absolutely no charges, totally false … Somebody showed me that website—it was a little website and somebody did that. By the way, did you notice that there were no charges? Well, if there are no charges that means it shouldn’t be mentioned … Because my father, there were no charges against him, I don’t know about the other people involved. But there were zero charges against him. So assuming it was him—I don’t even think it was him, I never even heard about it. So it’s really not fair to mention. It never happened… if there are no charges that means it shouldn’t be mentioned. That last line is important to understanding the gap between what is widely reported about Trump and what the public record indisputably shows: that events not resulting in criminal charges should not be mentioned in the news has been a major theme in Donald Trump’s careful and consistent e􀊃orts to limit inquiries into his conduct. His wealth and public prominence are closely tied to his success in focusing the attention of journalists where he wants it and his skill in de􀉻ecting inquiries by law enforcement and people suing him for alleged civil fraud or failure to make payments, as we shall see. In any event, as the Roaring Twenties came to an end, Fred Trump was building single-family houses in Queens. When the Great Depression began in 1929, he switched to opening a self-service grocery. It was a precursor to the modern supermarket, cutting costs because people picked their own goods o􀊃 the shelf, eliminating the need for most clerks. The business was a smashing success, and Trump sold it for a substantial pro􀉹t after a year. During World War II, Fred Trump landed government contracts for apartments and barracks to be built near Navy shipyards in Pennsylvania and Virginia. From this he learned the ins and outs of government procurement, a skill he would put to pro􀉹table use after the war ended. When the federal government started 􀉹nancing postwar housing for returning GIs, Fred Trump was said to have been the 􀉹rst builder to show up with his papers at the Federal Housing Administration loan counter in Washington. In the years that followed, he would build many thousands of apartments in Brooklyn and Queens and would buy other apartments as far away as Ohio. Fred Trump was known neither for quality buildings nor for being a good landlord. He bought the cheapest materials to build more than 27,000 subsidized apartments and row houses, on many of which his family continues to collect rent decades later. He was also something of a showman, displaying the panache his son would later take to dazzling extremes. Fred the Brooklyn Builder knew just how to spin the kind of simple, telling tale that newspapers often embrace without deep fact-checking. For example, in 1946 he told the Brooklyn Eagle that because building supplies were so hard to come by after the war, he’d had his men visit hardware stores across the city and beyond to buy all the nails they could 􀉹nd, even if they could only procure a handful. Later, he became known for a frugal habit: when he showed up at his construction sites (always dressed in a tailored suit and tie), he would bend down to pickup loose nails and hand them to carpenters. Years later came a stunt that would appear to be a direct inspiration to his son: While under intense criticism for plans to destroy a popular Coney Island attraction, the Steeplechase amusement ride, where he wanted to build the 􀉹rst apartment project bearing the family name, Fred Trump shifted the focus of news coverage by hiring a bevy of beauties in hard hats and polka-dot bikinis to hand out bricks to locals and city dignitaries. Then he summoned news photographers to watch them all throw the bricks at the symbol of the ride, a stained-glass icon called the Funny Face. Decades later, of course, Donald Trump would surround himself with models to attract television cameras and would have his third wife pose nearly nude aboard his Boeing 757 jet for a men’s magazine while he looked on during the photo shoot. Long before he learned to manufacture news, Fred Trump had become a main target of federal investigators looking into pro􀉹teering with the tax dollars intended to help World War II veterans. The subsequent Senate hearings about those investigations were not about diversionary tactics like young women in bikinis with bricks, but the fortunes Trump and other builders made by gaming Federal Housing Administration rules on mortgage guarantees. Once the FHA understood the scheme, it was explained to President Dwight D. Eisenhower, who reportedly 􀉻ew into a rage in the Oval O􀉽ce. Soon the FHA had more than a hundred investigators combing through bureaucratic records, comparing costs to profits and discovering huge gaps between the numbers. On July 13, 1954, the Brooklyn Eagle ran a banner headline, “Denies $4 Million Pro􀉹t,” and above it a kicker: “But Trump has that much surplus in bank.” Trump was already a household name, at least in Brooklyn. Testifying before the Senate Committee on Banking and Currency, Fred Trump insisted that he had not made an excess pro􀉹t of nearly $4 million, as the investigative report said. Trump said it was all a misunderstanding, but his explanation employed a view of 􀉹nance that does not exist in any textbook or accounting manual: Trump said the money was there, for sure, sitting in the bank account for his FHA-subsidized projects, but it was wrong to describe this as pro􀉹teering—indeed, it was not even profit, he said, because he had not taken any of that money out of the bank. This description was, to anyone who understood 􀉹nance, absurd. His son Donald would also use creative approaches in fostering the impression that he had earned billions of dollars through his deal-making artistry. Fred Trump testi􀉹ed before Congress that the reasons he had nearly $4 million in the bank were lower costs for materials than he had expected, a faster completion of the construction, and the fact that he acted as his own general contractor. That 􀉹t with his reputation as a builder who got things done and ahead of schedule, though the schedules often had lots of slack built in, making an early 􀉹nish easy. Fred then did his best to turn the tables, attacking the investigators for, he said, doing “untold damage to my standing and reputation.” There was talk of perjury indictments, but nothing ever came of the FHA investigation. A month after Fred Trump’s testimony in Washington, merchants in the Fort Greene area of Brooklyn complained that Trump, backed by federal slum-clearance money to take over their neighborhood, had gouged them on rent. Storekeepers told the Brooklyn Eagle that he was doubling rents, which was “immoral.” Adopting the same stance he had on Capitol Hill, Fred Trump said it was all just a misunderstanding. The merchants had been paying vastly di􀊃erent rents for similar properties—$40 a month for one storefront, $200 for another—which Fred Trump said made no sense. He also said that he expected the merchants to be out within a couple of years so he could build a new apartment project using the slum-clearance powers the government had enacted … and from which he would soon profit. Taxpayers were not the only source of capital for Fred Trump’s construction projects. A few years after the war ended, he took on a partner known as Willie Tomasello. When cash was short, Tomasello was able to provide Trump with operating capital on short notice. Tomasello also saw to it that there was no trouble from the unions, from the bricklayers and carpenters to the teamsters. The New York State Organized Crime Task Force identi􀉹ed Tomasello as an associate of the Genovese and Gambino Ma􀉹a families in New York. In other words, just as Friedrich Trump had engaged in illicit businesses to build his fortune in the late nineteeth century, his son Fred Trump turned to an organized crime associate as his longtime partner to build his own. Decades later, Donald Trump would also do business with the heads of the same families, though at a remove, developing numerous business connections with an assortment of criminals, from con artists and a major drug tra􀉽cker to the heads of the two largest Ma􀉹a families in New York City, as we shall see. It should be no surprise that Donald Trump took after his father. Fred Christ Trump was a stern father who expected his sons to learn the family business. He had his oldest son, Fred Jr., and the younger boys, Donald and then Robert, learn the business from the ground up, actually driving them regularly to his properties in his blue Cadillac. (He bought a new one every two years. It had what at the time was a novelty, a customized license plate reading “FCT”.) The boys were assigned to sweep out storage rooms, empty coins from the basement washers and dryers, make minor repairs under the supervision of maintenance crews, and, as they got a little older, collect rents. It was not that the boys needed the little bit of money Dad gave them for their labors. When Donald was still in diapers, he and his siblings had a trust fund. His share was about $12,000 a year, which in the late nineteen forties was roughly four times the typical income for a married couple with children if the husband held a full-time job. Fred worked out of an austere Avenue Z o􀉽ce in Brooklyn, assisted by a secretary who stayed with him for more than a half century. (He told others it was best to hire an overweight and unattractive secretary because she would stay on the job.) I’ve talked with people who sat across from Fred’s plain desk, proposing to do plumbing, window, and electrical work. They describe a ritual that was certainly not unique to that o􀉽ce. First, a plain envelope would be presented. Fred would take a second to test its weight in his hand before putting it into a drawer. Then he would listen to the pitch about contract terms for work on his buildings. The cost of these secretive extras was built into the contract cost when it could be passed on to Uncle Sam or tenants. Otherwise it reduced the pro􀉹t the contractor made. This was, and remains today, a widespread but illegal practice unless the cash payments are reported on income tax returns—which of course would defeat the purpose of the inducements. It’s a low-risk crime: Unless the party handing over the envelope is a government agent and the bills are marked, who’s to know? The practice also meant there was little need to withdraw cash from bank accounts, thereby leaving no records for tax authorities to discover during an audit. As 􀉹rst-born, Fred Jr. was 􀉹rst in line to rise in dad’s business. Neither the work nor his father’s methods appealed, apparently. Fred Sr. was a no-nonsense businessman who watched every penny, kept regular hours, and, after dinner at home each night, resumed doing business on the telephone. Fred Jr. was more of a free, albeit troubled, spirit. He went o􀊃 in a Corvette to Lehigh University in Bethlehem, Pennsylvania, and learned to 􀉻y airplanes. Although he was not Jewish, he said he was in order to join the Jewish fraternity. When Fred Jr. tried working for his namesake early on, the father and son did not see the landlord business the same way. For example, when Fred Jr. bought new windows for one of the Trump apartment houses instead of having the old ones repaired, his father upbraided him for wasting money. In recounting this episode years later, Donald said his father freely dispensed criticism, but rarely praise. Donald said that was just fine with him, but not his older brother. Donald was what school counselors might call “maladjusted.” In his 􀉹rst book, The Art of the Deal, he boasts about slugging his music teacher in second grade because he didn’t think the teacher knew the subject, although the story might be apocryphal. Neighbors have told stories over the years, including to me, of a child Donald throwing rocks at little children in playpens and provoking disputes with other kids. By his own account, Donald got into lots of trouble—so much that his father shipped him o􀊃 to the New York Military Academy in upstate New York to develop discipline when he was a teenager. Donald turned eighteen in 1964, when the death toll in Vietnam was rising fast. He got four student deferments and one medical deferment after his doctor wrote that he had a bone spur in his foot. Which foot? a journalist asked years later. Trump said he could not recall. He was accepted into a Catholic school in New York City, Fordham College, but in his junior year transferred to an Ivy League school, the University of Pennsylvania in Philadelphia. Penn has a famous and highly regarded graduate business school that Trump often invokes. He did not in fact study there. He was enrolled as an undergraduate and received a bachelor of science in economics. While in college, Donald also started doing real estate deals, including one with his father in Cincinnati. He later wrote that his net worth upon graduating from college was $200,000, a 􀉹gure that seems modest given the amount of money that had been flowing into his trust fund since before he learned how to walk. Meanwhile, Fred Jr. had become a pilot for TWA. He married a 􀉻ight attendant whom family members describe simultaneously as being a knockout in the looks department and yet someone whom Fred Sr. couldn’t stand—just as his paternal grandmother couldn’t stand Elizabeth Christ Trump, the woman his father, Friedrich, had married. Fred Jr. and his wife, Linda, subsequently had two children and divorced. Afterward, Fred Jr. gave up flying when he couldn’t manage his alcoholism. With the way now open to becoming next in line in the family business, Donald, even before graduating from college, started modeling himself more directly after his father. He drove a Cadillac with the license plate “DJT.” He took a 􀉻ashy Penn student, the actress Candice Bergen, on a dinner date that ended early. The only thing she remembered years later was that Trump wore a three-piece burgundy suit with matching leather boots. Others have said they don’t recall seeing Trump a lot around campus, an interesting observation in view of Trump’s claims years later that “nobody remembers seeing” future President Barack Obama in elementary school in Hawaii or anywhere else. In fact, many of Obama’s fellow students have spoken and written about him, as have several of his professors, notably constitutional scholar Laurence Tribe. While Obama was still a 􀉹rst-year law student, Tribe wrote a law review article citing Obama in the 􀉹rst footnote. Tribe has since written about how Obama sat in the front row in every session, o􀊃ering nuanced legal analyses that Tribe remembered because of his student’s ability to examine a subtle legal issue from the perspective of each relevant party with equal weight. Nonetheless, Trump touts his 1968 bachelor’s degree in economics and says he learned “super genius stu􀊃” at the University of Pennsylvania’s Wharton School. “I was a really good student at the best school,” Trump told Barbara Walters on her show, The View. “I’m like a smart guy.” Wharton, like all business schools, teaches fundamental tools for evaluating whether investments are likely to be pro􀉹table. One such concept is Net Present Value, or NPV. That is the value of cash expected from an investment minus the value spent to support that investment and then reduced to a lump sum payable today. Business and 􀉹nance graduates of Ivy League schools know this concept the way primary school students know that 2+2=4. In a lawsuit Trump 􀉹led against journalist Timothy L. O’Brien for writing that Trump’s net worth may be far less than a billion dollars, a lawyer asked Trump questions about his knowledge of finance and how he determined his net worth. “Are you familiar with the concept of net present value?” lawyer Andrew Ceresney asked. “The concept of net present value to me,” Trump replied, “would be the value of the land currently after debt. Well, to me, the word ‘net’ is an interesting word. It’s really— the word ‘value’ is the important word. If you have an asset that you can do other things with but you don’t choose to do them—I haven’t chosen to do that.” After hearing that gibberish, the lawyer asked Trump to explain another basic business concept taught to 􀉹nance students: generally accepted accounting principles, or GAAP. Did he understand GAAP? “No,” Trump said. “I’m not an accountant.” Once out of college, Donald Trump set his sights not just on 􀉹nding young women in need of a man with a fortune, but also on establishing his name across the East River in Manhattan, where the bright lights beckoned. Less than sixteen years later, he would erect on Fifth Avenue the first building bearing his name in big, bronze letters.

Feuer und Zorn

Im Weißen Haus von Donald Trump

Author: Michael Wolff

Publisher: Rowohlt Verlag GmbH

ISBN: 364400207X

Category: Political Science

Page: 512

View: 3257

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Es ist das Enthüllungsbuch, das die Präsidentschaft von Donald Trump erschüttert: Michael Wolffs «Feuer und Zorn» ist ein eindrucksvolles Sittengemälde der amerikanischen Politik unter Trump. Im Mittelpunkt ein Präsident, den seine Mitarbeiter wie ein kleines Kind behandeln, und der umgeben ist von Inkompetenz, Intrigen und Verrat. Der Bestseller-Autor Wolff beschreibt das Chaos, das in den ersten Monaten im Weißen Haus geherrscht hat, er enthüllt, wie nah die Russland-Verbindung an Trump herangerückt ist und wie es zum Rauswurf des FBI-Chefs Comey kam. Und er liefert erstaunliche Details über das Privatleben dieses Präsidenten. Über zweihundert Interviews hat Wolff mit den engsten Mitarbeitern des US-Präsidenten geführt, darunter auch der ehemalige Chef-Berater Stephen Bannon: Noch nie ist es einem Journalisten gelungen, das Geschehen im Weißen Haus so genau nachzuzeichnen. Herausgekommen ist das einzigartige Porträt eines Präsidenten, der selbst nie damit gerechnet hat, die Wahl zu gewinnen. Michael Wolffs Bericht aus dem Weißen Haus unter Trump ist in den USA ein Bestseller: ein aktuelles politisches Buch, das das sich wie ein Königsdrama von Shakespeare liest.

Der Präsident

Thriller

Author: Sam Bourne

Publisher: BASTEI LÜBBE

ISBN: 3732550990

Category: Fiction

Page: 479

View: 8567

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Stell dir vor, der mächtigste Mann der Welt wäre ein gefährlicher Egomane ... Als die Bürger der USA einen unberechenbaren Demagogen zum Präsidenten wählen, hält die Welt den Atem an. Kaum jemand weiß: Bereits kurz nach Amtsantritt ordnet der Präsident fast einen Nuklearstreich an, nachdem ein Wortgefecht mit dem Machthaber von Nordkorea aus dem Ruder läuft. Eins ist den Mitwissern klar: Jemand muss etwas unternehmen, oder die Welt steht kurz vor einem dritten Weltkrieg. Ein Attentat scheint der einzige Ausweg ... Ein hochrasanter Verschwörungsthriller mit aktuellem Bezug zur politischen Lage in Amerika

Pinguine frieren nicht

Author: Andrej Kurkow

Publisher: Diogenes Verlag AG

ISBN: 3257603207

Category: Fiction

Page: 544

View: 2743

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Viktor und der Pinguin Mischa, die beiden Helden von ›Picknick auf dem Eis‹, sehen sich nach einer turbulenten Suche wieder. Doch bis die beiden ihr Glück finden, wird noch einiges passieren ...

Summary of The Making of Donald Trump

By David Cay Johnston | Includes Analysis

Author: Instaread Summaries

Publisher: Idreambooks

ISBN: 9781683784531

Category: Study Aids

Page: 32

View: 7688

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Summary of The Making of Donald Trump by David Cay Johnston - Includes Analysis Preview: David Cay Johnston's The Making of Donald Trump is an examination of Donald Trump's character and activities. It focuses specifically on his financial dealings, his perpetration of frauds, and his association with criminal and Mafia figures. Trump's grandfather, Friedrich Trump, left Germany to escape the draft. He went to Alaska, where he established a bar frequented by prostitutes. Fred Trump, Donald's father, made a fortune in real estate in part through war profiteering. He set up a lucrative trust fund for his son Donald when the latter was still a child. Donald did not excel in school; his grasp of business theory and policy was weak, though he often boasts of attending the Wharton School undergraduate program in business. Trump's main influence outside his family was Roy Cohn, a lawyer infamous for his work with Joseph McCarthy during the anti-Communist witch hunts of the 1950s. Cohn had associations with the... PLEASE NOTE: This is key takeaways and analysis of the book and NOT the original book. Inside this Instaread Summary of The Making of Donald Trump by David Cay Johnston - Includes Analysis Overview of the Book Important People Key Takeaways Analysis of Key Takeaways About the Author With Instaread, you can get the key takeaways, summary and analysis of a book in 15 minutes. We read every chapter, identify the key takeaways and analyze them for your convenience. Visit our website at instaread.co.

Zeigt Gesicht!

Author: Barack Obama,Michelle Obama

Publisher: Ullstein Buchverlage

ISBN: 3843716668

Category: Political Science

Page: 64

View: 2611

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In ihren leidenschaftlichen und eindringlichen Abschiedsreden richten sich Barack und Michelle Obama an ihr Land und die ganze Welt. Sie sprechen an, worauf es ankommt im Leben und in der Politik und warum wir auch in schwierigen Zeiten Grund zur Hoffnung haben. Und Sie fordern uns auf, unsere Werte, Pflichten und Chancen als Bürger nie aus den Augen zu verlieren. Freiheit, Demokratie, Offenheit, Gerechtigkeit und Bildung für alle – dies alles macht eine funktionierende Gesellschaft aus. Doch wir müssen uns täglich dafür engagieren! Dann erst können wir einzelne Dinge und ein ganzes Land zum Besseren ändern.

Donald Trump

The Making of a World View

Author: Charlie Laderman,Brendan Simms

Publisher: Endeavour Media

ISBN: N.A

Category: Biography & Autobiography

Page: 111

View: 4908

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“When Donald Trump enters the White House, he will do so with a worldview that has been constantly advanced and relatively consistently articulated in countless statements over the past three decades. Don't say he didn't warn you.” On November 8, 2016, Donald Trump won the American presidential election, to the joy of some and the shock of many across the globe. Now that Trump is Commander-in-Chief of the most powerful country on Earth, Americans and non-Americans alike have been left wondering what that means for the world. It has been widely claimed that Trump’s foreign policy views are impulsive, inconsistent and that they were improvised on the campaign trail. Drawing on interviews from as far back as 1980, the historians Charlie Laderman and Brendan Simms show that this assumption is dangerously false. Laderman and Simms reveal that Trump has had a consistent position on international trade and America’s alliances since he first flirted with the idea of running for president in the late 1980s. Furthermore, his foreign policy views have deep roots in American history. Trump will not necessarily enact these positions at once when he is sworn in. Many presidents reverse positions when faced with the responsibility for high office. However, as Henry Kissinger emphasised, there is little time to learn on the job and policymakers will primarily consume the intellectual capital that they bring to the office. This book sketches out the worldview that Trump brings to the Oval Office, assembling the sources so that readers can also form their own view of it. And while Trump has shown remarkable consistency over time, there have been some major policy shifts over the years. Donald Trump: The Making of a World View will reveal on what basis and under what circumstances Trump changes his mind. For Trump, almost every international problem that has confronted the United States is explained by the idiocy of its leaders. After decades of dismissing America’s leaders as fools and denouncing their diplomacy, Trump now must prove that he can do better. Over the past three decades, he has been laying out in interviews, articles, books and tweets what amounts to a foreign policy philosophy. This book reveals how the worldview of the 45th President of the United States was formed, what might result if it is applied in policy terms and the potential consequences for the rest of the world. ‘This book does a great service in identifying the genesis of President Trump's worldview, based on his words, and considering its likely impact on the future of American foreign policy and the western alliance.’ – Professor John Bew, author of Realpolitik: A History ‘In this insightful study, Laderman and Simms expose the contours of Donald Trump's thinking on foreign policy and explore its roots in US history since 1945. This book refutes the widespread view that Trump can simply be dismissed as an improviser and a showman. Essential reading for anyone who wants to understand the Trump presidency and what it means for the rest of us.’ - Sir Christopher Clark, author of Sleepwalkers: How Europe Went to War in 1914